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Что такое экономическая социология? Это не "междисциплинарные исследования". Это не "изучение социальных проблем в экономике". Это не проведение опросов населения. Это не маркетинговые исследования. Что же это? (подробнее...)

Статьи

Всего статей в данном разделе : 78

Опубликовано на портале: 04-06-2004
К. Улих Общественные науки и современность. 1996.  № 2. С. 127-130. 
В основу статьи положен доклад швейцарского ученого на московской конференции по проблемам экономики и культуры, приуроченной к 50-летию смерти С.Булгакова (1994). Рассматривается проблема “экономического человека” в ее связи с религиозными исканиями Булгакова, а также с работами таких ученых, как М.Вебер, А.Мюллер-Армак, Д.Селборн и др.
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Опубликовано на портале: 15-12-2002
Manuel Castells British Journal of Sociology. 2001.  Vol. 52. No. 3. P. 541-546. 
Manuel Castells responds to an essay by Abell and Reyniers criticizing his work. Castells describes the essay as an angry refusal of the entire intellectual effort that he has submitted to collegial consideration, proceeding on the basis of selected paragraphs quoted out of context, and a series of unfounded statements. In Castells' view, Abell and Reyniers's is a marginal attitude in today's diverse and tolerant intellectual world.
Опубликовано на портале: 15-12-2002
Milan Zafirovski, Barry B. Levine Journal of Socio-Economics. 1999.  Vol. 28. No. 3. P. 309-334. 
The task is to explore social underpinnings in economic exchanges. This oration is undertaken within the frame of reference of socio-economics that centers on the multifarious social and cultural variables of economic phenomena. In particular, the socio-economic perspective on the market, focusing on the social setting of market exchanges, is utilized. As such, this exploration probes under the surface of (seemingly) cost-benefit induced exchange processes and uncovers a far more complex social structure and dynamics underlying these processes. Hence, these processes are analyzed as constituting socio-economic categories of the market. The social-cultural contingency of economic exchange, especially of its market varieties, is the key hypothesis. This signifies that market exchange, just as production, distribution, and consumption, is a dependent variable on concrete social-historical conditions, rather than being a human universal. The approach proposed here provides an alternative to the purely economic conception, which treats exchange processes as strictly economic variables driven by an intrinsic logic and insulated from other social relations. The mainstream economic literature's lack of consistent applications of such an approach to market exchange contrasts with the richness of such applications in the field of socio-economics. An attempt is made to contribute toward further elaboration and application of socio-economics.
Опубликовано на портале: 15-12-2002
Gary D. Lynne Journal of Socio-Economics. 1999.  Vol. 28. No. 3. P. 267-288. 
Microeconomics envisions a single decision-maker in a firm or household who is presumed to experience economic relationships only in markets. This theory is largely silent regarding the moral dimension, i.e., the nature of the invisible hand, and how it unconsciously affects the self acting in said markets. Amitai Etzioni, the founder of socioeconomics, offered the vision of the moral dimension as a component of the self. Metaeconomics operationalizes this vision by making explicit the Strict Father moral dimension in the invisible hand and recognizing interdependence of self when Nurturant Parent morality is operant. It builds upon a tripartite, multiple-self concept, with a mediating adult who balances the pleasures with the moral dimension in finding a satisfactory mix of self - and we-interests. By making this dimension explicit, metaeconomics reintegrates ethics and economics, includes values and community, and proposes the starting point for a common analytical engine for all socioeconomists.
Опубликовано на портале: 15-12-2002
Herbert Kiesling Journal of Socio-Economics. 1999.  Vol. 28. No. 6. P. 653-663. 
Economics can be considered the science that deals with marketplace efficiency, or it can be viewed as a social science, which deals with human policy goals considered generally. The view Amartya Sen (1987) takes of the matter is that the broader view is the more correct. There is one large and important group of human goals that the mainstream professional economists systematically omit from their discipline: collective goals, especially other-regarding collective goals. How investigators can isolate lists of social goals that persons consider important is discussed. Using these it should not be difficult for social scientists to proceed to provide analysis, drawing upon all the relevant theoretical and imperical knowledge, and so making predictions for opportunity costs in terms of all the other goals of moving a unit closer to any goal (particularly a goal of central concern).
Опубликовано на портале: 06-08-2003
Neil Fligstein Экономическая социология. 2001.  Т. 2. № 1. С. 4-25. 
"New Institutional" Theories have proliferated across the social sciences. While they have substantial disagreements, they agree that institutions are created to produce local social orders, are social constructions, fundamentally about how powerful groups create rules of interaction and maintain unequal resource distributions, and yet, once in existence, both constrain and enable actors in subsequent institution building. I present a critique of these theories that focuses on their inadequate attention to the role of social power and actors in the creation of institutions. An alternative view of the dynamics of institutions is sketched out based on a more sociological conception of rules, resources, and social skill.
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Опубликовано на портале: 22-08-2003
Peter Weise THESIS: теория и история экономических и социальных институтов и систем. 1993.  № 3. С. 115-130. 
Статья немецкого социолога и экономиста Петера Вайзе посвящена поискам компромисса между двумя моделями человека. По мнению Вайзе, «homo economicus» и «homo sociologicus» – не более чем предельные, крайние случаи более общей модели человека, которую можно было бы назвать «homo socioeconomicus». Обе эти частные, специальные модели человека, которые автор называет «монстрами» общественных наук, применимы только к относительно равновесным состояниям, тогда как при нарушении равновесия необходимо включать оба механизма общественной координации: и рыночный, и нормативный.
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Опубликовано на портале: 15-12-2002
Paul Gay British Journal of Sociology. 1999.  Vol. 50. No. 4. P. 575-587. 
In his highly regarded and influential Modernity and the Holocaust Zygmunt Bauman launched one of the most passionate and sustained critiques of bureaucracy rationality seen within social theory for some time. In so doing he drew heavily upon the work of Max Weber for support. The extent to which Weber really is the anti-bureaucratic ally Bauman claims him to be is examined. The main elements of Bauman's critique of bureaucratic rationality is outlined, drawing particular attention to its reliance upon a self-consciously Weberian theoretical lexicon. It is indicated that, despite his claims to be following in Weber's tracks, Bauman's conclusions regarding the moral vacuity of bureaucratic conduct are the very antithesis of Weber's own.
Опубликовано на портале: 06-08-2003
Harrison C. White Экономическая социология. 2001.  Т. 2. № 4. С. 13-27. 
Работа предлагает подход к анализу производственных рынков как социальных конструкций. Критикуется стилизованная версия чистой конкуренции. В рамках любого рынка каждая производящая организация учится находить свою особую нишу, отличающуюся по объемам производства и качеству продукции от тех, что заняты конкурентами. Решения принимаются здесь на основе наблюдения за действиями конкурентов, воспринимаемыми в качестве сигналов данного рынка. Рынки воспроизводят себя подобно молекулам, образованным из атомов - производящих фирм. Причем, в каждой такой молекуле атомы упорядочены линейным образом. Упорядоченные ниши вместе и образуют рынки, расположение в потоках промежуточных продуктов. С помощью семейства математических моделей описывается общее устройство и сигнальный механизм, вокруг которого складывается "рыночная молекула". Затем показаны основные результаты, которые можно получить при помощи модели равновесия и ее зависимостей от первоначально избранного пути. Работа завершается анализом возможных изменений ориентации в потоке и ее эволюции во времени на более общем уровне.
ресурс содержит гиперссылку на сайт, на котором можно найти дополнительную информацию
Опубликовано на портале: 22-08-2005
Сергей Вадимович Цирель Общественные науки и современность. 2005.  № 5. С. 132-140. 
Основная идея статьи заключается в демонстрации близости концепций, перечисленных в ее названии. Концепции QWERTY-эффектов и path-dependency относятся к области институциональной экономики и характеризуют зависимость технических стандартов и институтов от пути (траектории) их развития. Закон Седова, или закон иерархических компенсаций, относится не к экономике, а к кибернетике и общей теории систем, сыгравшей немалую роль в становлении концепции path-dependency. Этот закон, предложенный российским кибернетиком и философом Е.А.Седовым, развивает и уточняет формулировку известного кибернетического закона Эшби о необходимом разнообразии.
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Опубликовано на портале: 15-12-2002
Paul Slovic, Melissa Finucane, Ellen Peters Journal of Socio-Economics. 2002.  Vol. 31. No. 4. P. 329-342. 
This paper describes two fundamental modes of thinking. The experiential mode, is intuitive, automatic, natural, and based upon images to which positive and negative affective feelings have been attached through learning and experience. The other mode is analytic, deliberative, and reason based. I describe recent empirical research illuminating "the affect heuristic" wherein people rapidly consult their affective feelings, when making judgments and decisions. This heuristic enables us to be rational actors in many situations. It works beautifully when experience enables us to anticipate accurately how we will like or dislike the consequences of our decisions. However, it fails miserably when the consequences turn out to be much different than we anticipated. In the latter circumstances, the rational actor may well become the rational fool.
System of exchange [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 18-12-2009
Nicole Woolsey Biggart, Rick Delbridge Academy Of Management Review. 2004.  Vol. 29. No. 21. P. 28-49. 
We develop a classification scheme of systems of exchange using concepts from network analysis, economics, and cultural sociology. This classification illustrates that the "free market" is but one possible type of economy and that other types are not best understood as imperfections. This classification helps to distinguish analytically among qualitatively different types of exchange arrangements and suggests bases from which to develop theories about the organization of markets and exchange systems of various types.
ресурс содержит гиперссылку на сайт, на котором можно найти дополнительную информацию
Опубликовано на портале: 18-12-2009
Nicole Woolsey Biggart, Thomas D. Beamish Annual Review of Sociology. 2003.  Vol. 29. P. 443-464. 
Economic sociology and economics have tried to explain the organization and stability of market capitalism mostly by arguing for the effects of social structure on the patterning of relations, or for the role of the price system in balancing the demands of individual economic actors. In North America, the primary alternative to structural and individualist theories of market order has been network theory, a meso-level attempt to bridge over- and undersocialized views of actors. In Europe, the primary attempt to develop more realistic economics has centered on the role of conventions in shaping economic activity. We describe theories of market order, show how convention theory and related approaches represent a novel alternative, and suggest how convention theory can supplement network theory and institutional approaches to understanding market order.
ресурс содержит гиперссылку на сайт, на котором можно найти дополнительную информацию
Опубликовано на портале: 15-12-2002
Trevor M. Knox Journal of Socio-Economics. 1999.  Vol. 28. No. 4. P. 475-492. 
Altruistic volunteers are either not truly altruistic or not rational, according to traditional economic analysis. They are not altruistic if they volunteer to receive a utility benefit, and they are not rational if they choose to volunteer when monetary contribution would be more efficient. Economic man is a fool to volunteer. However, socio-economic man is shrewder. Socio-economic man is moderately deontological, path-dependent, nonmonetary, nonrationally motivated, and community-minded. Corresponding elements of socio-economic rationality that allow for rational, altruistic volunteers are considerd. The five elements considered are: 1, nonconsequentialist reasons, 2. constitutive choices, 3. pricelessness, 4. nonrational motivation, and 5. community preference production.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-09-2003
David Dequech American Journal of Economics and Sociology. 2003.  Vol. 62. No. 3. P. 509-. 
The paper discusses the role of uncertainty in economic sociology, aiming to clarify some controversial issues in the related literature. Initially,some conceptual remarks are made about the relation between economic sociology, neoclassical economics, and rational choice theory. Next, in light of the existing literature on uncertainty and economic sociology, we distinguish between complexity and different types of uncertainty. We also identify different versions of the maximization hypothesis and examine their relations to the different types of uncertainty. Then we defend a concept of fundamental uncertainty that emphasizes the role of institutions. A theory that combines fundamental uncertainty and institutions should emphasize not only the existence of behavior in accordance with institutions, but also the possibility of creative, bold, unconventional behavior, discussed next, as people may use the knowledge provided by institutions to go against the tide. Finally, we suggest that the primary distinction should be that between approaches to economic issues, not between disciplines.