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Экономическая статистика – это глаза и уши аналитика, это инструмент функциональной диагностики, необходимый для принятия адекватных управленческих и политических решений, это - зеркало, в котором отражается живой социально-экономический организм: иногда - в целом, иногда - его отдельные составляющие элементы... (подробнее...)


Всего статей в данном разделе : 3

Опубликовано на портале: 22-10-2007
Richard Lyle Garner Hispanic American Historical Review. 1984.  P. 535-554. 
В статье анализируется динамика цен городов Латинской Америки 18 и 19 веков в момент получения независимости. Проверяется гипотеза о том, что данный переход инициировал инфляционные процессы. Результаты тестирования смешанные. Анализируемая база данных представлена здесь.
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Опубликовано на портале: 24-12-2007
Joachim R. Frick, Markus Michael Grabka, Eva M. Sierminska DIW Berlin Discussion Papers. 2007.  No. 672.
The definition and operationalization of wealth information in population surveys and the corresponding microdata requires a wide range of more or less normative assumptions. However, the decisions made in both the pre- and post-data-collection stage may interfere considerably with the substantive research question. Looking at wealth data from the German SOEP, this paper focuses on the impact of collecting information at the individual rather than household level, and on “imputation and editing” as a means of dealing with measurement error. First, we assess how the choice of unit of aggregation or unit of analysis affects wealth distribution and inequality analysis. Obviously, when measured in “per capita household” terms, wealth is less unequally distributed than at the individual level. This is the result of significant redistribution within households, and also provides evidence of a significant persisting gender wealth gap. Secondly, we find multiple imputation to be an effective means of coping with selective nonresponse. There is a significant impact of imputation on the share of wealth holders (increasing on average by 15%) and also on aggregate wealth (plus 30%). However, with respect to inequality, the results are ambiguous. Looking at the major outcome variable for the whole population—net worth—the Gini coefficient decreases, whereas a top-sensitive measure doubles. The non-random selectivity built into the missing process and the consideration of this selectivity in the imputation process clearly contribute to this finding. Obviously, the treatment of measurement errors after data collection, especially with respect to the imputation of missing values, affects cross-national comparability and thus may require some cross-national harmonization of the imputation strategies applied to the various national datasets.
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Опубликовано на портале: 28-10-2007
Joseph E. Stiglitz, Linda Bilmes NBER Working Papers. 2006.  No. 12054.
This paper attempts to provide a more complete reckoning of the costs of the Iraq War, using standard economic and accounting/ budgetary frameworks. As of December 30, 2005, total spending for combat and support operations in Iraq is $251bn, and the CBO's estimates put the projected total direct costs at around $500bn. These figures, however, greatly underestimate the War's true costs. The authors estimate a range of present and future costs, by including expenditures not in the $500bn CBO projection, such as lifetime healthcare and disability payments to returning veterans, replenishment of military hardware, and increased recruitment costs. They then make adjustments to reflect the social costs of the resources deployed, (e.g. reserve pay is less than the opportunity wage and disability pay is less than forgone earnings). Finally, they estimate the effects of the war on the overall performance of the economy. Even taking a conservative approach and assuming all US troops return by 2010, the authors believe the true costs exceed a trillion dollars. Using the CBO's projection of maintaining troops in Iraq through 2015, the true costs may exceed $2 trillion. In either case, the cost is much larger than the administration's original estimate of $50-$60bn. The costs estimated do not include those borne by other countries, either directly (military expenditures) or indirectly (the increased price of oil). Most importantly, they have not included the costs to Iraq, either in terms of destruction of infrastructure or the loss of lives. These would all clearly raise the costs significantly.
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