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Что такое экономическая социология? Это не "междисциплинарные исследования". Это не "изучение социальных проблем в экономике". Это не проведение опросов населения. Это не маркетинговые исследования. Что же это? (подробнее...)

Статьи

Всего статей в данном разделе : 264

Опубликовано на портале: 01-03-2005
Наталья Евгеньевна Тихонова Общественные науки и современность. 2005.  № 2. С. 29-39. 
На основе эмпирического материала автор пытается дать ответ на вопрос, кто стал «новым капиталистом» в новой социальной структуре российского общества. Выделяются 8 видов ресурсов, которыми обладают россияне (экономический, квалификационный, социальный, властный, культурный, личностный, символический, биологический), и условия, в которых эти ресурсы превращаются в капитал. Показано, что из перечисленных ресурсов капиталом могут стать 5 первых. Отмечено, что обладание экономическим капиталом в структуре новых капиталистов невелико (всего 7%); значительно большая доля отводится конвертирующим свои властный, квалификационный, социальный, культурный ресурсы. Выводится интегральный показатель ресурсообеспеченности. Отмечается, что все виды рассматриваемых капиталов конвертируются в экономический и при этом могут существовать в такой комбинации, что при наличии соответствующего объема неэкономических ресурсов человек может принадлежать к высшим слоям общества без наличия у него экономического капитала, не занимаясь предпринимательством. Исследование также показало, что различные виды ресурсов именно в качестве капитала в разных комбинациях концентрируются у одних и тех же людей, представляющих особую группу – «новых капиталистов». При этом речь идет не просто о сосуществовании у этой группы разных видов ресурсов, об их суммировании, а об умножении совокупной эффективности за счет различных форм их взаимодействия. Также отмечается, что социальное неравенство в современном российском обществе – логическое следствие наличия у разных групп населения на момент начала реформ 1990-х гг. различного объема ресурсов, во многом накопившихся на протяжении поколений.
ресурс содержит прикрепленный файл
Опубликовано на портале: 18-10-2004
Muriel Egerton, Mike Savage Work, Employment, and Society. 2000.  Vol. 14. No. 1. P. 23-49. 
This paper examines the relationship between processes of demographic class formation, gender inequality and age stratification in England and Wales between 1971 and 1991. Existing research shows that the complex process of class restructuring which took place in these years is linked to considerable changes in the position of women, especially related to their growing numbers in professional and managerial occupations. We seek to show that changing processes of age stratification were also related to the remaking of class and gender relations in these years. Data from the Longitudinal Study (approximately 193,000 men and 203,000 women aged 2357 in two age cohorts; 1971 and 1981), Samples of Anonymised Records (approximately 121,500 men and 126,000 women aged 2357 in 1991), General Household Survey 19831992 (32,609 men and 16,191 women aged 2357 in fulltime employment) and from the National Child Development Study, 1981 and 1991 (2205 men and 887 women aged 23 and 33, in fulltime employment) were used to examine the movement of individuals through changing opportunity structures over the twenty-year period. We found a distinct hardening of the relationship between age and class in these two decades for men, with a marked increase in social polarisation between young men and older men, but for women this relationship was very different, with young women seeing considerable evidence of an improvement in their fortunes.
Опубликовано на портале: 05-03-2003
Edna Bonacich Insurgent Sociologist. 1980.  X:2. P. 9-24. 
Предлагается дополнить традиционный подход к изучению расовой стратификации на основе аскриптивных (примордиальных) характеристик человека, рассмотрением данного неравенства с точки зрения его обусловленности классовыми отношениями. Это позволит, по мнению автора, не только глубже понять исследуемую реальность, но и разработать инструментарий к ее изменению. Описываются преимущества классового анализа при изучении этносоциальной и расовой стратификации, предлагаются возможные направления синтеза теорий расового и этнического неравенства и классового подхода.
ресурс содержит полный текст, либо отрывок из него ресурс содержит прикрепленный файл
Опубликовано на портале: 22-05-2004
Erik Olin Wright American Journal of Sociology. 2000.  Vol. 105. No. 6. P. 1559-1571. 
In commenting on Aage Sorensen's "Toward a Sounder Basis for Class Analysis," Wright argues against the ideas that exploitation can be fruitfully defined in terms of rent-generating processes or that a class analysis built on such foundations will be satisfactory.
Опубликовано на портале: 30-01-2003
David F. Labaree Sociology of Education. 1986.  Vol. 59. No. 1. P. 42-57. 
This historical case study of a prominent nineteenth-century high school analyzes one example of the development of the hegemonic curriculum. This developmental process hinged on the complex relationship between the high school and its middle-class constituency, a relationship that was mediated by the market in educational credentials. Shaped by bourgeois ideological principles (merit, self-discipline, and utility), the curriculum of the mid-1800s provided the school's middle-class constituents with a valuable form of symbolic wealth: i.e. educational credentials. However, by the 1880s the market in educational credentials changed. Alternative suppliers appeared on the scene, and the middle class began looking beyond a high school diploma to the acquisition of professional credentials. This market pressure forced the high school to revamp its course of study. What emerged was a version of the modern hegemonic curriculum, in which knowledge is stratified, academic, and appropriated through individual competition.
Опубликовано на портале: 02-12-2003
Francois Bourguignon Econometrica. 1979.  Vol. 47. No. 4. P. 901-920. 
A decomposable inequality measure is defined as a measure such that the total inequality of a population can be broken down into a weighted average of the inequality existing within subgroups of the population and the inequality existing between them. Thus, decomposable measures differ only by the weights given to the inequality within the subgroups of the population. It is proven that the only zero-homogeneous "income-weighted" decomposable measure is Theil's coefficient (T) and that the only zero-homogeneous "population-weighted" decomposable measure is the logarithm of the arithmetic mean over the geometric mean (L). More generally, it is proved that T and L are the only decomposable inequality measures such that the weight of the "within-components" in the total inequality of a partitioned population sum to a constant. More general decomposable measures are also analyzed.
ресурс содержит гиперссылку на сайт, на котором можно найти дополнительную информацию
Опубликовано на портале: 12-12-2002
Branko Milanovic, Shlomo Yizhaki Review of Income and Wealth. 2002.  Vol. 48. No. 2.
Using the national income/expenditure distribution data from 111 countries, we decompose total inequality between the individuals in the world, by continents and regions. We use Yitzhakis Gini decomposition which allows for an exact breakdown of the Gini. We find t hat Asia is the most heterogeneous continents; between-country inequality is much more important than inequality in incomes within countries. At the other extreme is Latin America where differences between the countries are small, but inequalities within the countries are large. Western Europe/North America is fairly homogeneous both in terms of countries mean incomes and income differences between individuals. If we divided the world population into three groups: The rich (those with incomes greater than Italys mean income), the poor (those with income less than Western countries poverty lie), and the middle class, we find that there are only 11 percent of people who are world middle class; 78 percent are poor, and 11 percent are rich.
Опубликовано на портале: 03-12-2003
Simon Kuznets American Economic Review. 1955.  Vol. 45. No. 1. P. 1-28. 
The process of industrialization engenders increasing income inequality as the labor force shifts from low-income agriculture to the high income sectors. On more advanced levels of development inequality starts decreasing and industrialized countries are again characterized by low inequality due to the smaller weight of agriculture in production (and income generation).
ресурс содержит полный текст, либо отрывок из него
Опубликовано на портале: 29-05-2004
Xueguang Zhou American Journal of Sociology. 2000.  Vol. 105. No. 4. P. 1135-1174. 
Using panel data of 4,730 urban residents drawn from 20 cities in China, this article examines changes in income determinants between the prereform and reform eras. To guide this empirical study, a conceptual model is developed that emphasizes the coevolution of politics and markets to synthesize theoretical ideas in the recent debate on the transformation of state socialist societies. The findings show significant changes in returns to education and in the rise of private/hybrid firms in the reform era. There is also strong evidence of institutional persistence in returns to positional power and in the organizational hierarchy. These findings reveal multifaceted processes of transformation that call for more sophisticated theoretical models and in-depth institutional analyses.
Опубликовано на портале: 17-09-2003
Richard Lachmann American Sociological Review. 2003.  Vol. 68. No. 3. P. 346-372. 
Why does the leading economic power of its time lose its dominance? Competing theories are tested through a comparison of four historical cases-the Florentine city-state, the Spanish empire, and the Dutch and British nation-states. Institutional context determined social actors' capacities to apply their polities' human and material resources to foreign economic competition. Specifically, the dominant elites in each polity established the social relations and institutions that protected them from domestic challenges from rival elites and classes. But these relations and institutions had the effect of limiting elites' capacities to adapt to foreign economic rivals: Elites acting locally determined their capacities to act globally.
ресурс содержит гиперссылку на сайт, на котором можно найти дополнительную информацию
Опубликовано на портале: 22-05-2004
Irene Browne American Sociological Review. 1997.  Vol. 62. No. 2. P. 236-252. 
For the first time in this century, Black women are participating in the labor force at lower rates than are White women. The Black-White gap in female labor force participation is driven by those in the severest need of income-women heading households. I compare three explanations of the Black-White gap in labor force participation among female household heads-lack of human capital, lack of opportunities resulting from industrial restructuring, and disarticulation from mainstream institutions as described by theories of the "underclass." Using a representative national sample from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, I find that lower rates of labor force participation among Black women heading households are determined by Black-White differences in human capital as well as by characteristics associated with a breakdown in the processes linking Black women to the labor market. Overall, the largest impediments to labor force participation among women heading households are dropping out of high school, having a child under the age of six in the household, and being a long-term welfare recipient.
Опубликовано на портале: 22-05-2004
Thomas A. DiPrete, Patricia A. McManus American Sociological Review. 2000.  Vol. 65. No. 3. P. 343-370. 
Since the demise of modernization theory, social scientists have sought explanations for persisting differences in the stratification of industrialized societies, primarily by studying how educational and labor market institutions shape the life chances of individuals. This approach undervalues two key features of any stratification system: family dynamics and the welfare state. Employment changes, changes in household composition, and changes in the employment situation of a spouse or partner can all trigger large shifts in income and material well-being. The impact of these events is mediated by public tax and transfer mechanisms and by private actions taken by household members. This comparative analysis of household income dynamics in the United States and Germany shows that variations in welfare state policy produce distinct societal patterns of income mobility, and furthermore, shows that the relative importance of labor market events, family change, and welfare state policies for income dynamics depends on gender. The strong interrelationship between individual incentives and the structure of opportunity produces an asymmetry in the long-term impact of events. The negative effects of events that reduce income generally decay over time, while the effects of positive events generally persist.
Опубликовано на портале: 12-12-2002
Jean Olson Lanjouw, Peter Lanjouw Review of Income and Wealth. 2001.  Vol. 47. No. 2.
Poverty rates calculated on the basis of household consumption expenditures are routinely compared across countries and time. The surveys which underlie these comparisons typically differ in the types of food and non-food expenditures included, often in ways which are easily overlooked by analysts. With several examples we demonstrate that these commonly occurring variations in expenditures definitions can give rise to marked differences in poverty rates where there are no real differences in well-being. We show that one approach to calculating poverty lines, used with headcount measurement of poverty, can allow comparisons based on data with different definitions of consumption. In addition to allowing comparative poverty analysis using existing survey data, the results suggest that poverty monitoring could be done effectively at lower cost by alternating detailed expenditures surveys with far more abbreviated surveys.
Опубликовано на портале: 22-05-2004
Arthur S. Alderson, Francois Nielsen American Sociological Review. 1999.  Vol. 64. No. 4. P. 606-616. 
We reconsider the role of foreign investment in income inequality in light of recent critiques that question the results of quantitative cross-national research on foreign capital penetration. We analyze an unbalanced cross-national data set in which countries contribute different numbers of observations, with a maximum of 88 countries and 488 observations, dated from 1967 to 1994. Random-effects regression models that control for unmeasured country heterogeneity are used to investigate effects of foreign capital penetration on inequality (measured as the Gini coefficient) against the background of an internal-developmental model of inequality. We adapt Firebaugh's (1992, 1996) critique of the literature on the effect of foreign investment on economic growth to the study of income inequality and find that the stock of foreign direct investment has an effect on inequality that is independent of the mechanisms identified by Firebaugh. We explore Tsai's (1995) claim that the effect of foreign capital penetration is spurious and find that foreign stock has a significant positive effect on inequality net of region-specific differences. An alternative interpretation of the findings of the foreign investment/inequality literature is discussed in light of the discovery of an inverted-U shaped relationship between income inequality and foreign investment stock per capita. We conclude that thinking on the relationship between income inequality and investment dependence should be revised in light of an investment-development path relating the inflow and outflow of foreign capital to economic development.
Опубликовано на портале: 22-05-2004
Hiroshi Ishida British Journal of Sociology. 2001.  Vol. 52. No. 4. P. 579-604. 
This study examines intergenerational class mobility in Japan using cross-national comparisons with Western nations and cross-temporal comparisons of five national surveys conducted in postwar Japan. Cross-national comparisons highlight the similarity in relative mobility pattern between Japan and Western nations and at the same time the Japanese distinctiveness in absolute mobility rates especially regarding the demographic character of the Japanese manual working class. The results of cross-temporal comparisons of mobility pattern report some systematic trends in total mobility, inflow and outflow rates, reflecting the Japanese experience of late but rapid industrialization.