Всего публикаций в данном разделе: 22260
The Relative Permeability of Class Boundaries to Cross-Class Friendships: A Comparative Study of the United States, Canada, Sweden, and Norway [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Erik Olin Wright, Donmoon Cho American Sociological Review. 1992. Vol. 57. No. 1. P. 85-102.
The structural analysis of classes can be divided into the analysis of class locations and the analysis of permeability of boundaries separating those locations. Marxist analysis of class structure has been primarily concerned with the first of these while Weberian class analysis has focused on the second. We attempt to combine a Marxist structural class concept, which views class locations in capitalist societies as structured by exploitation based on property relations, authority relations and expertise, with the Weberian concern with the ways lives of individuals traverse the boundaries of that structure. We examine patterns of friendship ties across class boundaries in four contemporary capitalist societies: the United States, Canada, Sweden, and Norway. Three empirical conclusions stand out: (1) The property-based class boundary is the least permeable of the three exploitation dimensions; (2) the authority-based class boundary is significantly more permeable than the expertise-based boundary; and (3) patterns of inter-class friendships are largely invariant across these four countries.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Wendy Luttrell Sociology of Education. 1989. Vol. 62. No. 1. P. 33-46.
This article describes and analyzes how black and white working-class women define and claim knowledge. It is based on participant observation in classrooms and in-depth interviews outside school with women attending adult basic education programs. The women's perspectives challenge feminist analyses that have identified a single or universal mode of knowing for women; instead, they speak to complex gender, racial, and class relations of power that shape how they think about learning and knowing. Their claims to knowledge simultaneously accept and reject dominant social relations and create paradoxical situations for the women as they pursue adult basic education.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Judith R. Blau, Melanie Archer Annual Review of Sociology. 1993. Vol. 19. P. 17-41.
This review assesses sociological and historical research relevant to the emergence and consolidation of the American middle class in the nineteenth century. On the one hand, macrosociological theories have relied on a two-class model which renders the middle class a residual social category. Yet, on the other hand, community studies of the "new" social history--while they have opened up new avenues of inquiry into the complex social processes underlying middle class formation--have tended to focus on particular decades of the nineteenth century, leading to a fragmented view of the occupational composition of the middle class. Distinct literatures have developed around the study of particular occupational strata: artisans, small capitalists, white-collar wage earners, and the petite bourgeoisie. We argue here that different occupational groups overlap in time and represent a heterogeneous and historically shifting middle class rather than distinct entities. The argument for the integrity of a distinct middle class also rests on an understanding of the development of urban institutions and the cultural expressions of middle-class lifestyles and behavior. The expansion of this middle class, however, was closely linked to a growing economy and increasing equality of opportunity. We speculate that the reversal of these conditions, evident from the 1970s, may undermine the well-being of the middle class and its correlative social values, notably tolerance and civility.
Class Consciousness and Political Change: Voting and Political Attitudes in the British Working Class, 1964 to 1970 [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002David Weakliem American Sociological Review. 1997. Vol. 58. No. 3. P. 382-397.
Most research suggests that changes in political preferences and public opinion are similar for all social groups. I investigate the possibility that prior views of the world, or "ideology," affect responses to new information, and hence changes in opinion. I focus on one type of ideology, levels of class consciousness, using data from opinion surveys of British manual workers in the election years of 1964, 1966, and 1970. Results from a latent class model indicate that changes in political and economic opinions vary with degree of class consciousness. Workers who identified with the working class but held negative attitudes toward unions became considerably more pessimistic about economic conditions and the policies of the Labour Party. This group's behavior may represent either instrumentalism or a perceived conflict between the interests of the working class and the interests of society as a whole. These results cast doubt on conventional views of the relationship between workers' economic interests and support for parties of the left.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Jonathan Kelley, Maria D. R. Evans American Sociological Review. 1995. Vol. 60. No. 2. P. 157-178.
People's subjective images of class and class conflict reflect a mixture of both materialist forces and the vivid subjective images of equality and consensus among family, friends, and coworkers. These reference group processes distort perceptions of class: They make most people think they are middle class, thereby weakening the link between objective class and subjective perceptions of class and class conflict, fostering consensual rather than conflictual views of class relations, and attenuating the links between class and politics, particularly in Central European nations. Maximum-likelihood analyses of large, representative national samples from six Western democracies support the argument.
Class Formation without Class Struggle: An Elite Conflict Theory of the Transition to Capitalism [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Richard Lachmann American Sociological Review. 1990. Vol. 55. No. 3. P. 398-414.
An elite conflict model is compared to past work on elites and to a variety of Marxist explanations for the transition from feudalism to capitalism. Elites are defined by their control over organizational apparatuses for appropriating resources from non-elites. An elite in pursuit of its interests is constrained primarily by coexisting elites and secondarily by inter-class relations of production. The effects of elite and class conflict upon elite organizations and relations of production are traced. Conflict among feudal elites is identified as the primary determinant of the form and extent of social structural change in three historical cases: Florence during the Renaissance, England in the century leading up to the 1640 Revolution, and France from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002John R. Logan British Journal of Sociology. 1977. Vol. 83. No. 2. P. 386-402.
A central question for many theories relating economic development and politics is the nature of the political effects of improvements in working-class standards of living. A survey of textile workers in Barcelona indicates that the growing proportion of more affluent workers in Spain in a source of greater class consciousness in the sense of class militancy and politicization. These dimensions of consciousness, however, are inversely associated with working-class identification among higher-income workers. The findings are interpreted within a comparative theoretical framework which emphasizes the relevance of both the pattern of economic growth and the political structure as structural variables conditioning the relationship between affluence and class consciousness.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002John Hagan, Alberto Palloni American Journal of Sociology. 1999. Vol. 96. No. 2. P. 265-299.
The historical concept of a criminal class includes a sociological reference to the concentration and recurrence of crime within groups and across generations. Two family-linked processes may lead to the social reproduction of a criminal class: a cultural/characterological process involving child-raising conditions and practices, and a structural/imputational process involving official labeling. Mead's concern about the perpetuation of a "permanent class of criminals" is discussed, and special attention is given to an intergenerational interaction effect of parent and son labeling on subsequent delinquent and criminal behavior. This intergenerational interaction effect is explored, net of the acknowledged role of cultural/characterological influences, which are modeled in several ways using data collected in a well-known London panel study. The article addresses implications of the neglect of labeling effects in contemporary longitudinal research initiatives directed to the formation of crime policy.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Jonathan Kelley, Ian McAllister, Anthony Mughan American Political Science Review. 1985. Vol. 79. No. 3.
Class has long been the preeminent source of political conflict in industrial society, but its electoral influence has declined in recent years. The sources of the decline are not yet firmly established, and moreover the implications for political parties remain unclear. The decline-of-class hypothesis states that parties on the left will decline as the working class becomes more affluent and adopts middle-class styles of conduct. By contrast, the party-appeals hypothesis suggests that as the electorate becomes more middle class, parties of the left will alter their appeals to encompass the growing middle class and so offset the shrinkage of their traditional working-class constituency. This article applies multivariate anaysis to survey data collected in England between 1964 and 1979 to test four specific hypotheses derived from the two scenarios. The results support the decline-of-class theory's prediction that economic development erodes the working-class bases of left-wing parties, but not its claim that the left-wing party's vote declines proportionately. Rather, the results suggest that parties are apparently able to change their appeals to reduce their losses, as argued by the party-appeals theory, but not to eliminate them. It seems that their are restraints on parties' ability to change their appeals, limitations not envisioned by the party appeals theory.
Rethinking Stratification from a Feminist Perspective: Gender, Race, and Class in Mainstream Textbooks [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Myra Marx Ferree, Elaine J. Hall American Sociological Review. 1996. Vol. 61. No. 6. P. 929-950.
Economic stratification and social class occupy a central position in sociological discourse as the core organizing features of modern societies. Yet such economically centered models of stratification often disregard factors like physical violence and the intra-household distribution of resources that shape power and autonomy for all group. Using a sample of textbooks from 1983 through 1988, we examine "mainstream" sociology, that is, the sociology that teachers, students, and textbook publishers have treated as nonproblematic. We show how stratification analysis is applied to class, race, and gender in profoundly unequal ways. Rather than integrating macro, meso, and micro levels of social structure as interactive and mutually determinative in their discussions of race, class, and gender, introductory sociology textbooks segregate stratification processes. They discuss class at the societal (or macro) level of analysis, gender at the individual (or micro) level, and race at a group (or meso) level. We analyze the quantitative and qualitative elements of the coverage of class, race, and gender in indexes, texts, pictures, and captions, and suggest that attention to feminist theories of gender would produce a more integrated, multilevel, and interactive view of stratification.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002David Weakliem, Julia McQuillan, Tracy Schauer Sociology of Education. 1995. Vol. 68. No. 4. P. 271-286.
Many observers believe that intellectual ability has become a more important determinant of occupational success in recent decades and that social-class differences in ability have consequently increased. This article examines changes in occupational-class differences in scores on a test of verbal ability for people born between the late 19th century and the 1960s. Contrary to the usual view, class differences have become smaller among people born after about 1945; this development reflects changes in the quantity and the effects of education. Therefore, current social problems cannot be ascribed to an increasing concentration of low-ability people in the lower classes.
The Question of Caste in Modern Society: Durkheim's Contradictory Theories of Race, Class, and Sex [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Jennifer M. Lehmann American Sociological Review. 2002. Vol. 60. No. 4. P. 566-585.
I explore a set of contradictions crucial to Durkheim's work, that revolve around the issue of whether modern society (i.e., industrial capitalism) is structured according to the principle of individual mobility or the principle of caste. Specifically, I analyze Durkheim's theories of race, class, and sex to determine if they describe modern society in terms of individuals or in terms of castes. I find that Durkheim has both a dominant and a subordinate theory for each category. I also find that his theories of race and class differ significantly from his theories of sex. Durkheim's dominant theories of race and class and his subordinate theory of sex are theories of individuals in modern society. Conversely, his dominant theory of sex and his subordinate theories of race and class are theories of castes in modern society. I view Durkheim's social theory as a quintessential construction of modernity, and I view Durkheim as a quintessential liberal "of sorts." I conclude that the contradictions at the heart of Durkheim's social theory are contradictions at the heart of modern society--and at the heart of liberal ideology.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Werner S. Landecker American Sociological Review. 1963. Vol. 28. No. 2. P. 219-229.
Class crystallization is the degree to which mutually equivalent rank levels of different rank systems coincide in their incumbents, thereby forming social classes and class statuses. Through sample interviewing in Detroit, this variable is explored in its bearing on three types of class consciousness. Evidence regarding two of these, class status consciousness and class interest consciousness, suggests a positive relationship with class crystallization. This finding does not hold for class barrier consciousness which, instead, is fostered by the joint impact of weak crystallization and low status. To account for these diverse results, a distinction between cognitive and affective modes of class consciousness is proposed.
Culture, Class, and Connections [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Bonnie H. Erickson American Journal of Sociology. 1996. Vol. 102. No. 1. P. 217-251.
Bourdieu's analysis of class and culture errs in neglecting two important aspects of social structure: social networks and class relations at work. He expects high-status culture to be useful in class because it is correlated with class, but culture used at work includes both genres related to class (used in domination) and genres unrelated to class (used in coordination). High-status culture is correlated with class but excluded, not used, in the competitive private sector. The most widely useful cultural resource is cultural variety, and social network variety is a better source of cultural variety than is class itself.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Rick Ogmundson American Sociological Review. 1975. Vol. 40. No. 4. P. 506-512.
Canada stands out sharply as a country in which the ralationship of social class to electoral politics appears to be almost non-existent. The class vote in Canada is re-examined using a new measure which takes into account voter perceptions of the class positions of the political parties. The results indicate that voter interest in class issues is greater than previously thought. This, in turn, suggests that the main source of the anomaly associated with the Canadian case resides, not with the Canadians themselves, but with the nature of the electoral options presented to them. This finding suggests that one cannot assume that the politics of a democracy faithfully reflect the salient concerns of its citizens. The results also suggest that conventional measures of voting behaviour, which normally fail to take into account the variable nature of electoral options, provide a poor indicator of the nature of mass sentiment.
Class Segments: Agrarian Property and Political Leadership in the Capitalist Class of Chile [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Maurice Zeitlin, W. Lawrence Neuman, Richard Earl Ratcliff American Sociological Review. 1976. Vol. 41. No. 6. P. 1006-1029.
This is an analysis of the relationship between large landownership and "representative political activity" as one expression of political hegemony in the capitalist class of Chile in the mid-1960s. We conceptualize landed corporate executives and principal owners of capital and their non-landed counterparts in the largest corporations as distinct "class segments"; and we analyze their comparative officeholding in parliament and cabinet ministries and in the leadership of the political parties of the Right, as well as the officeholding of their fathers and others in their immediate families. The findings consistently show that the landed segment played a distinctive role in the political leadership of the capitalist class. The problem of the "coalescence" of agrarian property and corporate capital as a self-contradictory class situation and its relevance for state policy is posed for further analysis.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Ronnelle Paulsen Sociology of Education. 1996. Vol. 64. No. 2. P. 96-110.
In this article, social class effects in the political socialization found in education are examined in relation to individual participation in collective action. It is proposed that the way school reinforces the family socialization of class position and the class-related structure of education produce a sense of political efficacy among middle-class students. An analysis of data from a nationwide longitudinal survey of high school seniors shows that political efficacy, being a leader in school organizations, taking college preparatory courses, and attending school in an urban setting encourage later activism among students from families with moderate to high levels of socioeconomic status.
Re-thinking the Analysis of Intergenerational Social Mobility: A Comment on John W. Fox's "Social Class, Mental Ilness, and Social Mobility [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Bryan Rodgers, Susan L. Mann Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 1993. Vol. 34. No. 2. P. 165-172.
The method of analyzing social mobility described by Fox (1990) is flawed in its adjustment for between-group differences in destination status when estimating the extent of the mentally ill's mobility as compared with the general population. Use of the recommended model with hypothetical data sets resulted in a significant finding when no overall upward or downward mobility occurred, and a non-significant result when the downward mobility of a psychotic group was contrived to be massive. An alternative model for the test of group differences in mobility is suggested within the framework of log-linear analysis commended by Fox (1990). This method indicated significantly more downward and less upward mobility in mentally ill groups when data from four studies were re-analyzed. We conclude that the weight of evidence from published studies supports the notion of social selection-drift, although this does not imply the inconsequence of social factors in the aetiology of schizophrenia (and other psychoses) or in its prognosis and occupational consequences.
A Comparative Study of Working-Class Disorganization: Union Decline in Eighteen Advanced Capitalist Countries [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Bruce Western American Sociological Review. 1995. Vol. 60. No. 2. P. 179-201.
In contrast to the diverse trends that prevailed for most of the postwar period, unionization rates in the advanced capitalist countries generally declined in the 1980s. I propose a discrete-time hazard-rate model to explain this novel pattern of labor disorganization. Model estimates indicate that union decline is related to growing economic openness, unemployment, pre-existing levels of unionization, the decentralization of collective bargaining institutions, and the electoral failure of social democratic parties through the 1980s.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Raymond Sin-Kwok Wong American Sociological Review. 1992. Vol. 57. No. 3. P. 396-410.
Class theorists often argue against the use of unidimensional or hierarchical analyses in class mobility research. They assert that nonvertical effects are of paramount importance in understanding the structure and process of stratification. By explicitly incorporating both vertical and nonvertical effects into the structural model of class mobility, I demonstrate the importance of both effects for understanding the structure of mobility chances within and between countries. Although vertical and nonvertical effects are equally important in explaining association patterns in individual countries, nonvertical effects are the major source of cross-national variation. Two nonvertical effects are particularly important: economic sector of employment--whether nonmanual, manual, or farm; and employment status--whether self-employed or not.