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Всего публикаций в данном разделе: 22315

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Richard Lachmann American Sociological Review. 1990.  Vol. 55. No. 3. P. 398-414. 
An elite conflict model is compared to past work on elites and to a variety of Marxist explanations for the transition from feudalism to capitalism. Elites are defined by their control over organizational apparatuses for appropriating resources from non-elites. An elite in pursuit of its interests is constrained primarily by coexisting elites and secondarily by inter-class relations of production. The effects of elite and class conflict upon elite organizations and relations of production are traced. Conflict among feudal elites is identified as the primary determinant of the form and extent of social structural change in three historical cases: Florence during the Renaissance, England in the century leading up to the 1640 Revolution, and France from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
John R. Logan British Journal of Sociology. 1977.  Vol. 83. No. 2. P. 386-402. 
A central question for many theories relating economic development and politics is the nature of the political effects of improvements in working-class standards of living. A survey of textile workers in Barcelona indicates that the growing proportion of more affluent workers in Spain in a source of greater class consciousness in the sense of class militancy and politicization. These dimensions of consciousness, however, are inversely associated with working-class identification among higher-income workers. The findings are interpreted within a comparative theoretical framework which emphasizes the relevance of both the pattern of economic growth and the political structure as structural variables conditioning the relationship between affluence and class consciousness.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
John Hagan, Alberto Palloni American Journal of Sociology. 1999.  Vol. 96. No. 2. P. 265-299. 
The historical concept of a criminal class includes a sociological reference to the concentration and recurrence of crime within groups and across generations. Two family-linked processes may lead to the social reproduction of a criminal class: a cultural/characterological process involving child-raising conditions and practices, and a structural/imputational process involving official labeling. Mead's concern about the perpetuation of a "permanent class of criminals" is discussed, and special attention is given to an intergenerational interaction effect of parent and son labeling on subsequent delinquent and criminal behavior. This intergenerational interaction effect is explored, net of the acknowledged role of cultural/characterological influences, which are modeled in several ways using data collected in a well-known London panel study. The article addresses implications of the neglect of labeling effects in contemporary longitudinal research initiatives directed to the formation of crime policy.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Jonathan Kelley, Ian McAllister, Anthony Mughan American Political Science Review. 1985.  Vol. 79. No. 3.
Class has long been the preeminent source of political conflict in industrial society, but its electoral influence has declined in recent years. The sources of the decline are not yet firmly established, and moreover the implications for political parties remain unclear. The decline-of-class hypothesis states that parties on the left will decline as the working class becomes more affluent and adopts middle-class styles of conduct. By contrast, the party-appeals hypothesis suggests that as the electorate becomes more middle class, parties of the left will alter their appeals to encompass the growing middle class and so offset the shrinkage of their traditional working-class constituency. This article applies multivariate anaysis to survey data collected in England between 1964 and 1979 to test four specific hypotheses derived from the two scenarios. The results support the decline-of-class theory's prediction that economic development erodes the working-class bases of left-wing parties, but not its claim that the left-wing party's vote declines proportionately. Rather, the results suggest that parties are apparently able to change their appeals to reduce their losses, as argued by the party-appeals theory, but not to eliminate them. It seems that their are restraints on parties' ability to change their appeals, limitations not envisioned by the party appeals theory.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Myra Marx Ferree, Elaine J. Hall American Sociological Review. 1996.  Vol. 61. No. 6. P. 929-950. 
Economic stratification and social class occupy a central position in sociological discourse as the core organizing features of modern societies. Yet such economically centered models of stratification often disregard factors like physical violence and the intra-household distribution of resources that shape power and autonomy for all group. Using a sample of textbooks from 1983 through 1988, we examine "mainstream" sociology, that is, the sociology that teachers, students, and textbook publishers have treated as nonproblematic. We show how stratification analysis is applied to class, race, and gender in profoundly unequal ways. Rather than integrating macro, meso, and micro levels of social structure as interactive and mutually determinative in their discussions of race, class, and gender, introductory sociology textbooks segregate stratification processes. They discuss class at the societal (or macro) level of analysis, gender at the individual (or micro) level, and race at a group (or meso) level. We analyze the quantitative and qualitative elements of the coverage of class, race, and gender in indexes, texts, pictures, and captions, and suggest that attention to feminist theories of gender would produce a more integrated, multilevel, and interactive view of stratification.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
David Weakliem, Julia McQuillan, Tracy Schauer Sociology of Education. 1995.  Vol. 68. No. 4. P. 271-286. 
Many observers believe that intellectual ability has become a more important determinant of occupational success in recent decades and that social-class differences in ability have consequently increased. This article examines changes in occupational-class differences in scores on a test of verbal ability for people born between the late 19th century and the 1960s. Contrary to the usual view, class differences have become smaller among people born after about 1945; this development reflects changes in the quantity and the effects of education. Therefore, current social problems cannot be ascribed to an increasing concentration of low-ability people in the lower classes.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Jennifer M. Lehmann American Sociological Review. 2002.  Vol. 60. No. 4. P. 566-585. 
I explore a set of contradictions crucial to Durkheim's work, that revolve around the issue of whether modern society (i.e., industrial capitalism) is structured according to the principle of individual mobility or the principle of caste. Specifically, I analyze Durkheim's theories of race, class, and sex to determine if they describe modern society in terms of individuals or in terms of castes. I find that Durkheim has both a dominant and a subordinate theory for each category. I also find that his theories of race and class differ significantly from his theories of sex. Durkheim's dominant theories of race and class and his subordinate theory of sex are theories of individuals in modern society. Conversely, his dominant theory of sex and his subordinate theories of race and class are theories of castes in modern society. I view Durkheim's social theory as a quintessential construction of modernity, and I view Durkheim as a quintessential liberal "of sorts." I conclude that the contradictions at the heart of Durkheim's social theory are contradictions at the heart of modern society--and at the heart of liberal ideology.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Werner S. Landecker American Sociological Review. 1963.  Vol. 28. No. 2. P. 219-229. 
Class crystallization is the degree to which mutually equivalent rank levels of different rank systems coincide in their incumbents, thereby forming social classes and class statuses. Through sample interviewing in Detroit, this variable is explored in its bearing on three types of class consciousness. Evidence regarding two of these, class status consciousness and class interest consciousness, suggests a positive relationship with class crystallization. This finding does not hold for class barrier consciousness which, instead, is fostered by the joint impact of weak crystallization and low status. To account for these diverse results, a distinction between cognitive and affective modes of class consciousness is proposed.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Bonnie H. Erickson American Journal of Sociology. 1996.  Vol. 102. No. 1. P. 217-251. 
Bourdieu's analysis of class and culture errs in neglecting two important aspects of social structure: social networks and class relations at work. He expects high-status culture to be useful in class because it is correlated with class, but culture used at work includes both genres related to class (used in domination) and genres unrelated to class (used in coordination). High-status culture is correlated with class but excluded, not used, in the competitive private sector. The most widely useful cultural resource is cultural variety, and social network variety is a better source of cultural variety than is class itself.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Rick Ogmundson American Sociological Review. 1975.  Vol. 40. No. 4. P. 506-512. 
Canada stands out sharply as a country in which the ralationship of social class to electoral politics appears to be almost non-existent. The class vote in Canada is re-examined using a new measure which takes into account voter perceptions of the class positions of the political parties. The results indicate that voter interest in class issues is greater than previously thought. This, in turn, suggests that the main source of the anomaly associated with the Canadian case resides, not with the Canadians themselves, but with the nature of the electoral options presented to them. This finding suggests that one cannot assume that the politics of a democracy faithfully reflect the salient concerns of its citizens. The results also suggest that conventional measures of voting behaviour, which normally fail to take into account the variable nature of electoral options, provide a poor indicator of the nature of mass sentiment.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Maurice Zeitlin, W. Lawrence Neuman, Richard Earl Ratcliff American Sociological Review. 1976.  Vol. 41. No. 6. P. 1006-1029. 
This is an analysis of the relationship between large landownership and "representative political activity" as one expression of political hegemony in the capitalist class of Chile in the mid-1960s. We conceptualize landed corporate executives and principal owners of capital and their non-landed counterparts in the largest corporations as distinct "class segments"; and we analyze their comparative officeholding in parliament and cabinet ministries and in the leadership of the political parties of the Right, as well as the officeholding of their fathers and others in their immediate families. The findings consistently show that the landed segment played a distinctive role in the political leadership of the capitalist class. The problem of the "coalescence" of agrarian property and corporate capital as a self-contradictory class situation and its relevance for state policy is posed for further analysis.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Ronnelle Paulsen Sociology of Education. 1996.  Vol. 64. No. 2. P. 96-110. 
In this article, social class effects in the political socialization found in education are examined in relation to individual participation in collective action. It is proposed that the way school reinforces the family socialization of class position and the class-related structure of education produce a sense of political efficacy among middle-class students. An analysis of data from a nationwide longitudinal survey of high school seniors shows that political efficacy, being a leader in school organizations, taking college preparatory courses, and attending school in an urban setting encourage later activism among students from families with moderate to high levels of socioeconomic status.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Bryan Rodgers, Susan L. Mann Journal of Health and Social Behavior. 1993.  Vol. 34. No. 2. P. 165-172. 
The method of analyzing social mobility described by Fox (1990) is flawed in its adjustment for between-group differences in destination status when estimating the extent of the mentally ill's mobility as compared with the general population. Use of the recommended model with hypothetical data sets resulted in a significant finding when no overall upward or downward mobility occurred, and a non-significant result when the downward mobility of a psychotic group was contrived to be massive. An alternative model for the test of group differences in mobility is suggested within the framework of log-linear analysis commended by Fox (1990). This method indicated significantly more downward and less upward mobility in mentally ill groups when data from four studies were re-analyzed. We conclude that the weight of evidence from published studies supports the notion of social selection-drift, although this does not imply the inconsequence of social factors in the aetiology of schizophrenia (and other psychoses) or in its prognosis and occupational consequences.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Bruce Western American Sociological Review. 1995.  Vol. 60. No. 2. P. 179-201. 
In contrast to the diverse trends that prevailed for most of the postwar period, unionization rates in the advanced capitalist countries generally declined in the 1980s. I propose a discrete-time hazard-rate model to explain this novel pattern of labor disorganization. Model estimates indicate that union decline is related to growing economic openness, unemployment, pre-existing levels of unionization, the decentralization of collective bargaining institutions, and the electoral failure of social democratic parties through the 1980s.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Raymond Sin-Kwok Wong American Sociological Review. 1992.  Vol. 57. No. 3. P. 396-410. 
Class theorists often argue against the use of unidimensional or hierarchical analyses in class mobility research. They assert that nonvertical effects are of paramount importance in understanding the structure and process of stratification. By explicitly incorporating both vertical and nonvertical effects into the structural model of class mobility, I demonstrate the importance of both effects for understanding the structure of mobility chances within and between countries. Although vertical and nonvertical effects are equally important in explaining association patterns in individual countries, nonvertical effects are the major source of cross-national variation. Two nonvertical effects are particularly important: economic sector of employment--whether nonmanual, manual, or farm; and employment status--whether self-employed or not.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Jeff Manza, Michael Hout, Clem Brooks Annual Review of Sociology. 1995.  Vol. 21. P. 137-162. 
Over the last two decades, many social scientists have argued that the stable class politics of industrial capitalism is giving way to newer types of social and attitudinal cleavages. Some scholars have gone further to associate what they see as significant declines in the anchorings provided by class with the rise of new political movements, parties, and even politicians standing for office completely outside traditional party systems. Advances in class theory and statistical methods coupled with the availability of high quality data have led others to reexamine the issue. They have suggested that these arguments reflect a misreading of the empirical evidence and/or exaggerate the significance of these developments. We conclude that despite the absence of a clear consensus in the field, theories asserting a universal process of class dealignment are not supported.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Annemette Sorensen Annual Review of Sociology. 1994.  Vol. 20. P. 27-47. 
The question of how to incorporate women in class analysis and stratification research has been the topic of heated controversy in recent decades. Much of the debate has been about the conventional approach to research on social mobility and class analysis that assumes the family to be the unit of stratification and the family's class position to be determined independently of women's work position. Those defending the conventional view can show that research on the empirical validity of the conventional view provides partial support for it, and that its use in previous empirical research probably has not resulted in serious misrepresentations. In this article, I review the literature on these issues. I summarize the criticism and defense of the conventional view and review research that examines its empirical adequacy. This is followed by a discussion of alternative approaches to the determination of the family's class position.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Mark Western, Erik Olin Wright American Sociological Review. 1994.  Vol. 59. No. 4. P. 606-629. 
We explore the differential permeability of three class boundaries--the boundaries determined by property, authority and expertise--to intergenerational mobility among men in four developed capitalist economies: the United States, Canada, Norway and Sweden. We conclude: (1) In all four countries, the authority boundary is the most permeable to intergenerational mobility; (2) in the two North American countries, the patterns of permeability of class boundaries are broadly consistent with the expectations of neo-Marxist conceptualizations of class--the property boundary is the least permeable, followed by the expertise boundary, and then the authority boundary; (3) in the two Scandinavian countries, especially in Sweden, the property and expertise boundaries do not differ significantly in their degree of permeability; (4) the class boundary between workers and capitalists is less permeable than would be predicted from a strictly additive model of the permeability of the three dimensions of the class structure (property + authority + expertise); and (5) in the United States and Canada, the patterns of class boundary permeability to mobility are similar to the patterns of permeability to friendship and cross-class marriages, while mobility patterns in Norway and Sweden differ from friendship and marriage patterns.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Richard Centers American Journal of Sociology. 1953.  Vol. 58. No. 6. P. 543-555. 
Utilizing survey research methods, an investigation was carried out to clarify the public's conceptions of occupation and belief as criteria of the several social classes. The data were analyzed with a view to determining the constancies and discrepancies in conception between the various classes and the extent to which the individual's own subjective affiliation influences his ideas. The study confirms the importance of belief as a criterion of class ascription.

Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002
Arthur Kornhauser American Journal of Sociology. 1950.  Vol. 55. No. 4. P. 333-345. 
Grave difficulties are encountered in efforts to demonstrate that social class accounts for differences in opinions on economic and political questions and that particular class factors are especially decisive. A consideration of limitations and sources of error in research on the problem leads to proposals concerning more adequate study of opinions, clearer analysis of class attributes and their interrelations, more critical procedures in interpreting variables as determinants, and, above all, the use of coherent theory dealing with the processes by which class influences produce given effects.