American Sociological Review
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A Comparative Study of Working-Class Disorganization: Union Decline in Eighteen Advanced Capitalist Countries [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Bruce Western American Sociological Review. 1995. Vol. 60. No. 2. P. 179-201.
In contrast to the diverse trends that prevailed for most of the postwar period, unionization rates in the advanced capitalist countries generally declined in the 1980s. I propose a discrete-time hazard-rate model to explain this novel pattern of labor disorganization. Model estimates indicate that union decline is related to growing economic openness, unemployment, pre-existing levels of unionization, the decentralization of collective bargaining institutions, and the electoral failure of social democratic parties through the 1980s.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Leonard Broom, Robert G. Cushing American Sociological Review. 1977. Vol. 42. No. 1. P. 157-169.
Two hypothesis relating responsibility, reward and performance were designed to test the Davis and Moore functional theory of stratification. Large companies in the private sector of the United States economy were selected as the source of empirical evidence to test the theory. The data base was thought to be favorable to positive findings. The responsibility variable was measured by company assets, reward was measured by total compensation of the chief executive officer, and performance was indexed by several measures of growth and profitability. Over 700 of the largest companies in the United States were grouped into sixteen relatively homogenous business activity types in order to control for (1) scarcities of qualified incumbents, (2) structural differences between industries and (3) market conditions. The results provide limited evidence of a relationship between magnitude of responsibility (functional importance) and executive compensation (reward). No support was found for a hypothesized relationship between company performance, however measured, and executive compensation. Taken as a whole, the results do not confirm the functional theory.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002James N. Baron, William T. Bielby American Sociological Review. 1980. Vol. 45. No. 5. P. 737-765.
This essay examines the shift toward "structural" explanations in recent studies of inequality. After reviewing this body of research and some of its shortcomings, we examine its theoretical underpinnings, comparing "structuralist" perspectives on work organization derived from institutional economics and neo-Marxism to more orthodox accounts based on neoclassical and "industrialism" theories. This discussion suggests areas where the different perspectives overlap and diverge. We conclude that work arrangements within the firm and their trend are the focus of most "structural" perspectives on positional stratification; thus, empirical studies grounded at the organizational level are more likely to inform current debates about the "structure of work" than is the growing body of research about structural effects on individual attainment or covariation among industrial/occupational characteristics. Toward that end, an agenda for future research is outlined, focusing on three aspects of work organization: (a) the units which comprise the structure of work and the dimensions underlying economic segmentation; (b) the effects of sectoral differentiation on technical and administrative arrangements within firms; and (c) temporal changes in how enterprises organize production. We provide some illustrations of the kinds of empirical data and research hypotheses required to link research on segmentation and stratification more closely to studies of organizations.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Jonathan Kelley, Maria D. R. Evans American Sociological Review. 1995. Vol. 60. No. 2. P. 157-178.
People's subjective images of class and class conflict reflect a mixture of both materialist forces and the vivid subjective images of equality and consensus among family, friends, and coworkers. These reference group processes distort perceptions of class: They make most people think they are middle class, thereby weakening the link between objective class and subjective perceptions of class and class conflict, fostering consensual rather than conflictual views of class relations, and attenuating the links between class and politics, particularly in Central European nations. Maximum-likelihood analyses of large, representative national samples from six Western democracies support the argument.
Class Boundaries [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Werner S. Landecker American Sociological Review. 1960. Vol. 25. No. 6. P. 868-877.
Class boundaries are conceived as properties of a multiple system of stratification, composed of several rank systems. In each system, the same population is ranked by a different criterion of status. The central question in boundary analysis is: To what extent are the incumbents of any two contiguous ranks of one rank system separated in another? The magnitude of a class boundary is measured by the degree of such separation. This method is applied to the population of Detroit and is used in testing alternative predictions derived, respectively, from "class structure" and "status continuum" hypotheses. The findings suggest that each of these hypotheses is appropriate to a different range within the same stratification system.
Class Consciousness and Political Change: Voting and Political Attitudes in the British Working Class, 1964 to 1970 [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002David Weakliem American Sociological Review. 1997. Vol. 58. No. 3. P. 382-397.
Most research suggests that changes in political preferences and public opinion are similar for all social groups. I investigate the possibility that prior views of the world, or "ideology," affect responses to new information, and hence changes in opinion. I focus on one type of ideology, levels of class consciousness, using data from opinion surveys of British manual workers in the election years of 1964, 1966, and 1970. Results from a latent class model indicate that changes in political and economic opinions vary with degree of class consciousness. Workers who identified with the working class but held negative attitudes toward unions became considerably more pessimistic about economic conditions and the policies of the Labour Party. This group's behavior may represent either instrumentalism or a perceived conflict between the interests of the working class and the interests of society as a whole. These results cast doubt on conventional views of the relationship between workers' economic interests and support for parties of the left.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Werner S. Landecker American Sociological Review. 1963. Vol. 28. No. 2. P. 219-229.
Class crystallization is the degree to which mutually equivalent rank levels of different rank systems coincide in their incumbents, thereby forming social classes and class statuses. Through sample interviewing in Detroit, this variable is explored in its bearing on three types of class consciousness. Evidence regarding two of these, class status consciousness and class interest consciousness, suggests a positive relationship with class crystallization. This finding does not hold for class barrier consciousness which, instead, is fostered by the joint impact of weak crystallization and low status. To account for these diverse results, a distinction between cognitive and affective modes of class consciousness is proposed.
Class Formation without Class Struggle: An Elite Conflict Theory of the Transition to Capitalism [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Richard Lachmann American Sociological Review. 1990. Vol. 55. No. 3. P. 398-414.
An elite conflict model is compared to past work on elites and to a variety of Marxist explanations for the transition from feudalism to capitalism. Elites are defined by their control over organizational apparatuses for appropriating resources from non-elites. An elite in pursuit of its interests is constrained primarily by coexisting elites and secondarily by inter-class relations of production. The effects of elite and class conflict upon elite organizations and relations of production are traced. Conflict among feudal elites is identified as the primary determinant of the form and extent of social structural change in three historical cases: Florence during the Renaissance, England in the century leading up to the 1640 Revolution, and France from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries.
Class Segments: Agrarian Property and Political Leadership in the Capitalist Class of Chile [статья]
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Maurice Zeitlin, W. Lawrence Neuman, Richard Earl Ratcliff American Sociological Review. 1976. Vol. 41. No. 6. P. 1006-1029.
This is an analysis of the relationship between large landownership and "representative political activity" as one expression of political hegemony in the capitalist class of Chile in the mid-1960s. We conceptualize landed corporate executives and principal owners of capital and their non-landed counterparts in the largest corporations as distinct "class segments"; and we analyze their comparative officeholding in parliament and cabinet ministries and in the leadership of the political parties of the Right, as well as the officeholding of their fathers and others in their immediate families. The findings consistently show that the landed segment played a distinctive role in the political leadership of the capitalist class. The problem of the "coalescence" of agrarian property and corporate capital as a self-contradictory class situation and its relevance for state policy is posed for further analysis.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Murray A. Straus American Sociological Review. 1962. Vol. 27. No. 3. P. 326-335.
The theoretical and research literature on self-imposed postponement of gratifications or satisfactions is reviewed with emphasis on the relation of such a "Deferred Gratification Pattern" (DGP) to social class and social mobility. Three hypotheses growing out of this review were tested on 338 male high school students. The hypothesis of a deferred gratification pattern received some support from the fact that scales with reproducibilities from .92 to .96 were developed for deferment of five adolescent needs (affiliation, aggression, consumption, economic independence, and sex); and by the intercorrelation of these scales. The hypothesis of positive correlation between socioeconomic status and DGP was not supported. The hypothesis of positive correlation between the DGP scales and achievement role-performance and role-orientation was supported. These relationships were not eliminated by controls for socioeconomic status and intelligence. Findings are interpreted as supporting the theory that need deferment is functional for social mobility in American society.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Seymour Martin Lipset American Sociological Review. 1959. Vol. 24. No. 4. P. 482-501.
A variety of evidence from many countries suggests that low status and low education predispose individuals to favor extremist, intolerant, and transvaluational forms of political and religious behavior. The evidence includes reports from surveys concerning differential attitudes among the various strata towards democratic values, including civil liberties for unpopular political groups, civil rights for ethnic minorities, legitimacy of opposition, and proper limits on the power of national political leaders; psychological research on the personality traits of different strata; data on the composition and appeal of chiliastic religious sects; and materials bearing on the support of authoritarian movements. The factors operating to support this predisposition are all those which make for a lack of "sophistication," a complex view of causal relations, and heightened insecurity, both objective and subjective. These findings suggest that the success of the Communist Party among those of low status in poorer nations is positively related to its authoritarian character.
Опубликовано на портале: 17-09-2003Richard Lachmann American Sociological Review. 2003. Vol. 68. No. 3. P. 346-372.
Why does the leading economic power of its time lose its dominance? Competing theories are tested through a comparison of four historical cases-the Florentine city-state, the Spanish empire, and the Dutch and British nation-states. Institutional context determined social actors' capacities to apply their polities' human and material resources to foreign economic competition. Specifically, the dominant elites in each polity established the social relations and institutions that protected them from domestic challenges from rival elites and classes. But these relations and institutions had the effect of limiting elites' capacities to adapt to foreign economic rivals: Elites acting locally determined their capacities to act globally.
Опубликовано на портале: 23-12-2002Randall Collins American Sociological Review. 1971. Vol. 36. No. 6. P. 1002-1019.
Two theories are considered in accounting for the increased schooling required for employment in advanced industrial society: (a) a technical-function theory, stating that educational requirements reflect the demands for greater skills on the job due to technological change; and (b) a conflict theory, stating that employment requirements reflect the efforts of competing status groups to monopolize or dominate jobs by imposing their cultural standards on the selection process. A review of the evidence indicates that the conflict theory is more strongly supported. The main dynamic of rising educational requirements in the United States has been primarily the expansion of mobility opportunities through the school system, rather than autonomous changes in the structure of employment. It is argued that the effort to build a comprehensive theory of stratification is best advanced by viewing those effects of technological change on educational requirements that are substantiated within the basic context of a conflict theory of stratification.
Опубликовано на портале: 22-05-2004Arthur S. Alderson, Francois Nielsen American Sociological Review. 1999. Vol. 64. No. 4. P. 606-616.
We reconsider the role of foreign investment in income inequality in light of recent critiques that question the results of quantitative cross-national research on foreign capital penetration. We analyze an unbalanced cross-national data set in which countries contribute different numbers of observations, with a maximum of 88 countries and 488 observations, dated from 1967 to 1994. Random-effects regression models that control for unmeasured country heterogeneity are used to investigate effects of foreign capital penetration on inequality (measured as the Gini coefficient) against the background of an internal-developmental model of inequality. We adapt Firebaugh's (1992, 1996) critique of the literature on the effect of foreign investment on economic growth to the study of income inequality and find that the stock of foreign direct investment has an effect on inequality that is independent of the mechanisms identified by Firebaugh. We explore Tsai's (1995) claim that the effect of foreign capital penetration is spurious and find that foreign stock has a significant positive effect on inequality net of region-specific differences. An alternative interpretation of the findings of the foreign investment/inequality literature is discussed in light of the discovery of an inverted-U shaped relationship between income inequality and foreign investment stock per capita. We conclude that thinking on the relationship between income inequality and investment dependence should be revised in light of an investment-development path relating the inflow and outflow of foreign capital to economic development.
Опубликовано на портале: 19-09-2003Moon-Kie Jung American Sociological Review. 2003. Vol. 68. No. 3. P. 373-400.
A normative desire for interracialism undergirds and structures the sociology of race. However, focusing almost exclusively on racial divisions and conflicts, the sociology of race rarely subjects interracialism to explicit analysis. One consequence of this somewhat peculiar situation is that interracialism is understood negatively, as deracialization-the removal of racism. Even the few studies that appear to redress this negativity through explicit analysis reproduce it. Prototypically, there has long been a scholarly consensus that Hawaii's interracial working-class movement of the late 1930s and 1940s presupposed deracialization: that a "colour-blind" class ideology, advanced by the left-led International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, effaced racial divisions. Refuting this interpretation, this paper demonstrates that a deracializing class ideology was not straightforwardly adopted by Hawaii's racially divided workers. Instead, a leftist ideology of class served as the initial pivot for an affirmative transformation of race, producing an interracial ideology that rearticulated, rather than disarticulated, race and class. The paper concludes with several implications of reconceptualizing interracialism affirmatively.